By Jerri-Lynn Scofield, who has worked as a securities lawyer and a derivatives trader. She now spends much of her time in Asia and is currently working on a book about textile artisans.
Three Democrats and three Republicans have co-sponsored a resolution, under the Congressional Review Act (CRA), to scuttle the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau’s payday lending rule.
CRA’s procedures to overturn regulations had been invoked, successfully, only once before Trump became president. Congressional Republicans and Trump have used CRA procedures multiple times to kill regulations (as I’ve previously discussed, see here, here, here and here). Not only does CRA provide expedited procedures to overturn regulations, but once it’s used to kill a regulation, the agency that promulgated the rule is prevented from revisiting the issue unless and until Congress provides new statutory authority to do so.
As I wrote in an extended October post, CFPB Issues Payday Lending Rule: Will it Hold, as the Empire Will Strike Back, payday lending is an especially sleazy part of the finance sewer, in which private equity swamp creatures, among others, operate. The industry is huge, according to this I quoted in my October post, and it preys on the poorest, most financially-stressed Americans:
The payday-lending industry is vast. There are now more payday loan stores in the United States than there are McDonald’s restaurants. The operators of those stores make around $46 billion a year in loans, collecting $7 billion in fees. Some 12 million people, many of whom lack other access to credit, take out the short-term loans each year, researchers estimate.
The CFPB’s payday lending rule attempted to shut down this area of lucrative lending– where effective interest rates can spike to hundreds of points per annum, including fees (I refer interested readers to my October post, cited above, which discusses at greater length how sleazy this industry is, and also links to the rule; see also this and .)
Tactically, as with the ban on mandatory arbitration clauses in consumer financial contracts– an issue I discussed further in RIP, Mandatory Arbitration Ban, (and in previous posts referenced therein), the CFPB under director Richard Cordray made a major tactical mistake in not completing rule-making sufficiently before the change of power to a new administration- 60 “session days” of Congress, thus making these two rules subject to the CRA.
The House Financial Services Committee lauding introduction of CRA resolution to overturn the payday lending rule is a classic of its type, so permit me to quote from it at length:
These short-term, small-dollar loans are already regulated by all 50 states, the District of Columbia and Native American tribes. The CFPB’s rule would mark the first time the federal government has gotten involved in the regulation of these loans.
House Financial Services Committee Chairman Jeb Hensarling (R-TX), a supporter of the bipartisan effort, said the CFPB’s rule is an example of how “unelected, unaccountable government bureaucracy hurts working people.”
“Once again we see powerful Washington elites using the guise of ‘consumer protection’ to actually harm consumers and make life harder for lower and moderate income Americans who may need a short-term loan to keep their utilities from being cut off or to keep their car on the road so they can get to work,” he said. “Americans should be able to choose the checking account they want, the mortgage they want and the short-term loan they want and no unelected Washington bureaucrat should be able to take that away from them.”
[Rep Dennis Ross, a Florida Republican House co-sponsor]. said, “More than 1.2 million Floridians per year rely on Florida’s carefully regulated small-dollar lending industry to make ends meet. The CFPB’s small dollar lending rule isn’t reasonable regulation — it’s a de facto ban on what these Floridians need. I and my colleagues in Congress cannot stand by while an unaccountable federal agency deprives our constituents of a lifeline in times of need, all while usurping state authority. Today, we are taking bipartisan action to stop this harmful bureaucratic overreach dead in its tracks.”
As CNBC reports in , industry representatives continue to denounce the rule, with a straight face:
“The rule would leave millions of Americans in a real bind at exactly the time need a fast loan to cover an urgent expense,” said Daniel Press, a policy analyst with the Competitive Enterprise Institute, in a statement after the bill’s introduction.
Consumer advocates think otherwise (also from CNBC):
“Payday lenders put cash-strapped Americans in a crippling cycle of 300 percent-interest loan debt,” Yana Miles, senior legislative counsel at the Center for Responsible Lending, said in a statement.
Prospects Under CRA
When I wrote about this topic in October, much commentary assumed that prospects for CRA overturn were weak. I emphasized instead the tactical error of failing to insulate the rule from CRA, which could have been done if the CFPB had pushed the rule through well before Trump took office:
If the payday rule had been promulgated in a timely manner during the previous administration it would not have been as vulnerable to a CRA challenge as it is now. Even if Republicans had then passed a CRA resolution of disapproval, a presidential veto would have stymied that. Trump is an enthusiastic proponent of deregulation, who has happily embraced the CRA– a procedure only used once before he became president to roll back a rule.
Now, the Equifax hack may have changed the political dynamics here and made it more difficult for Congressional Republicans– and finance-friendly Democratic fellow travellers– to use CRA procedures to overturn the payday lending rule.
The New York Times certainly seems to think prospects for a CRA challenge remote:
The odds of reversal are “very low,” said Isaac Boltansky, the director of policy research at Compass Point Research & Trading.
“There is already C.R.A. fatigue on the Hill,” Mr. Boltansky said, using an acronymn for the act, “and moderate Republicans are hesitant to be painted as anti-consumer.
I’m not so sure I would take either side of that bet. [Jerri-Lynn here: my subsequent emphasis.]
A more telling element than CRA-fatigue in my assessment of the rule’s survival prospects was my judgment that Democrats wouldn’t muster to defend the payday lending industry– although that assumption has not fully held, as this recent makes clear:
After the , it was widely expected that Republicans would attempt to overturn it. It’s notable, though, that the effort has attracted bipartisan support in the House.
Passage in the Senate, however, may be a much heavier lift. The chamber’s in late October came down to the wire, forcing Republicans to call in Vice President Mike Pence to cast the tie-breaking vote.
I continue to think that this rule will survive– as the payday lending industry cannot count on a full court press lobbying effort by financial services interests. Yet as I wrote in October, I still hesitate to take either side of the bet on this issue.