Republicans Deploy CRA Authority to Roll Back Regulations

By Jerri-Lynn Scofield, who has worked as a securities lawyer and a derivatives trader. She now spends most of her time in Asia researching a book about textile artisans. She also writes regularly about legal, political economy, and regulatory topics for various consulting clients and publications, as well as scribbles occasional travel pieces for .

Late last month, in Republicans to Use CRA to Roll Back ‘Midnight’ Rules and Benefit Oil Companies, I first wrote about how Republicans were poised to use the 1996 Congressional Review Act (CRA) to roll back regulations enacted during the waning hours of the Obama administration.

The CRA allows for Congress, by simple majority votes in both houses, to pass legislation rescinding any regulation that was finalized in the preceding 60 session days. The relevant legislation– a CRA resolution of disapproval– is brought to the floor of each chamber using expedited procedures, without need for prior committee consideration, and is not subject to Senate filibuster procedures.

The Congressional Research Service has determined that any rule made final on or after June 13, 2016, is in theory, vulnerable to a CRA resolution of disapproval, according to a New York Times DealBook article, . As is the case with other legislation, the CRA resolution must be presented to the President for signature or veto. In the case of a veto, the regulation could still be voided if a 2/3 majority in each house votes to override the presidential veto. Once the regulation is successfully rescinded, the regulatory agency is barred from bringing the rule back in “substantially the same form”, absent new authorizing legislation.

Two Measures Targeting Energy Companies Squelched

As I noted in my earlier post, rescinding regulations targeting energy companies is a top Republican priority. In , the Wall Street Journal reported earlier this month that separate legislation was sent to President Trump for signature that would squelch rules approved by the Securities and Exchange Commission in June , as well as repeal a measure completed by the Interior Department in December toughening standards for coal mining near streams. Trump is expected to sign each bill.

The CRA has been around since 1996, when it was passed as part of the Contract with America. So why are we just now hearing of it? Prior to this administration, this legislation was only used once before, in 2001 to roll back an ergonomics rule finalized by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration during the Clinton administration.

Yet Republicans are not the only party to consider using the CRA’s authority to roll back rules enacted by an outgoing administration of another party. Practically speaking, the CRA is only likely to be invoked when that party that controls  the Presidency changes. A President needs to sign the legislation rescinding the regulation, and is unlikely to do so for regulations passed during his tenure (or passed while the office was held by a member of the same party). It also seems necessary for the same party to control both houses of Congress– although as this 2015 piece, in The Hill explains, this did not stop a Republican-controlled Congress from trying to overturn a National Labor Relations Board rule by passing a resolution of disapproval. A presidential veto thwarted this tactic.

When did these two conditions last apply? Well, think back to 2009– when a Democrat had been solidly elected President, winning both the popular vote and electoral college, the party had a comfortable Senate majority (especially when the two Independents, who caucused with them, were included), as well as a greater House majority than Republicans currently enjoy. Unsurprisingly, as the New York Times reported in a January 2009 article :

…Democrats say that they are also considering using the Congressional Review Act of 1996, an obscure and rarely used process that sets up fast-track procedures to overturn regulations.

The law allows Congress to rescind a rule by passing a “resolution of disapproval,” which cannot be filibustered. The resolution also requires presidential approval and can be invoked only for a few months after a rule is issued.

So, why wasn’t CRA used more extensively at that time? Well, the answer is that a successful CRA resolution of disapproval not only void a rule, it prevents the agency from reconsidering the issue, unless new authorizing legislation is passed, and thus shuts down further regulation of the area. Effectively, the legislation functions as a one-way ratchet, structurally favoring an anti-regulatory baseline.

CRA Pipeline: Ten Pending CRA-related Bills, Further Authority?

At the moment, at least 10 CRA bills are proceeding in some form through the House and Senate, according to an article in The Hill, , and to date, “[t]he act itself has never been tested in court.”

At least 160 Obama-era regulations are subject to repeal under the CRA, according to an article, published in January by the law firm Squire Patton Boggs. The  DealBook article cited above estimates that ten such vulnerable rules were authorized by Dodd-Frank.

Although I failed to mention the CRA in this earlier post, Mary Jo White Leaves Behind a Weakened SEC for Trump to Weaken Further, I noted at that time that the task of “unravel[ling] the entire multi-faceted Dodd-Frank regulatory program would be seriously complicated if the SEC had managed to complete rule-making procedures mandated previously by Congress, according to statutory deadlines.” Also worth mentioning is that one reason Democrats found it more difficult to unwind regulations issued during the tenure of George W. Bush, despite solid majorities, is that previous administration “imposed an early deadline on agencies to finalize them,” according to the January 2009 New York Times article cited above.

Yet perhaps the CRA’s authority might actually stretch further than the sources cited above suggest. Kimberley Strassel’s WSJ piece, , has attracted lots of chatter, for its assertion that the CRA could be used to rescind rules that go back as far as 2009. Strassel makes two arguments. First, she points out that the CRA mandates any federal agency promulgating a rule to submit a report on said rule to the House and Senate, and recognizes that the 60-day window for invoking CRA is triggered by the later of when the rule is published in the Federal Register or when Congress receives the report.  At least in theory, if current regulators were to submit the missing reports– no matter when the underlying rule was finalized– Congress could invoke the CRA and pass a resolution of disapproval and invalidate the rule. Strassel asserts that there are rules for which no required reports were filed, which suggests that potentially more rules could be rescinded under CRA procedures: “Bottom line: There are rules for which there are no reports.” Really? I’m willing to believe there are. Unfortunately, she fails to identify any specific rule.

Another potential problem, according to Strassel, is the CRA’s expansive definition of what counts as a “rule”– which extends beyond measures published in  the Federal Register to include “guidance” that agencies issue (e.g., on transgender bathrooms or on campus sexual assault).  This means in theory that the CRA could be invoked against any rules or guidance dating back to 1996, when it was passed, for which results were not correctly filed.

Whether either issue opens a major new avenue for CRA resolutions of disapproval or is a nothingburger depends on how many “missing” reports  exist– whether they apply to rules or guidance– and if so, if Republicans choose to exploit such putative gaps.

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15 comments

  1. KYrocky

    Once the regulation is successfully rescinded, the regulatory agency is barred from bringing the rule back in “substantially the same form”, absent new authorizing legislation.

    The Executive branch is charged with the implementation and management of laws passed by Congress. From what little I have read about the CRA it is clear that it’s intention is to tie the hands of future Congresses and Administrations in perpetuity. In this case I guess there would need to be an amendment to the Constitution should the rule be needed in the future. What crap.

    1. Jerri-Lynn Scofield Post author

      Not necessarily– Congress could pass new authorizing legislation, kicking off a new rule-making cycle. But that is difficult to do– particularly with so many Republicans loathe to regulating anything, whether they enjoy congressional majorities (and hold the Presidency) or are part of a divided government situation. And it takes time.

  2. L

    Also worth mentioning is that one reason Democrats found it more difficult to unwind regulations issued during the tenure of George W. Bush, despite solid majorities, is that previous administration “imposed an early deadline on agencies to finalize them,” according to the January 2009 New York Times article cited above.

    I’ve often wondered about this and about how much of Obama’s famous “cool detachment” came from either a disinterest in pushing the agencies or an odd fear to do so. Consider how much power Dodd Frank gave them to push the agenda that a majority of Americans supported. And consider just how little they did to advance it. Or the abject failure of their too-little, too-tentative, and too-late homeowner protections. Or all of the amazing non-prosecutions by Holder and Beuer.

    If Trump, and those around him, are characterized by an almost an almost anarchic, perhaps messianic, willingness to change things without concern for the consequences. It seems we must conclude that Obama was almost the opposite (except where health care was concerned). Too unwilling to make a move without lengthy delays and then only after massive public efforts. And then, willing to stop it all once some word of entrenched opposition came down.

    1. Darius

      Obama wasn’t disinterested. Many of his law school and university classmates and their connections carried strong interests in Dodd Frank and other regulations. It’s his indifference to the public interest that bothers me.

    2. aab

      I think you are misremembering his actions.

      He was put in power by FIRE, and he protected FIRE. If you ignore his words and focus on his actions, he was a consistent and mostly successful president, in terms of what he wanted to do and what he achieved.

      I mean, yeah, he didn’t quite destroy Social Security or completely privatize Medicare, and he didn’t get TPP through. I doubt he cares, though. Malia’s in at Harvard, he windsurfs with billionaires, life is good. For him.

    3. DH

      The biggest surprise to me about some of these regulations being repealed is why Obama had waited 8 years to release them.

  3. Avalon Sparks

    The main thing that stands out to me in this essay is these bums only have ‘worked’ 60 days since last June. What are we paying these do nothing con artists for?

  4. Katharine

    I am guessing regulations “subject to real” are actually subject to repeal, since this is the kind of typo I would make. “Subject to real” almost makes a kind of sense, but more than we generally expect from government.

    1. Jerri-Lynn Scofield Post author

      You’re right, it’s a typo– fixed it! Thanks for reading my work so carefully and drawing the error to my attention.

  5. COates

    Since it prevents further rule-making in that area, I’ll be curious to see whether this gets painted as Congress gagging the regulatory agencies, with any public backlash for it.

  6. Neil Pyper

    Thanks for this article. It is great to read such well informed and nuanced analysis. There is not enough of it around at the moment, especially in coverage of US affairs!

  7. TheCatSaid

    Amazing about the potentially missing reports and the implications. If anyone learns of any specific regulations whose reports were never filed, it would be interesting to know.

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